At first glance the Eastern Shore of Virginia in the
late nineteenth century might have appeared a small and isolated peninsula
on the edge of a huge country, yet any Rand McNally map of the Pennsylvania
Railroad system gave clues to a different story. The most remote farm
on the Eastern Shore was intimately connected to a vast economic and social
web that extended well beyond the borders of the United States. Agents
of the Eastern Shore Produce Exchange marketed potatoes grown near
Eastville
to buyers in Boston, Cleveland, Toronto, and Havana. Farmers at Makemie
Park purchased at neighborhood general stores beef slaughtered in Chicago.
Ventilated cars carried Parksley strawberries to Pittsburgh and livestock
cars brought in mules from St. Joseph, Missouri. Mine props shipped from
Hallwood went to the coal fields of Pennsylvania and anthracite from Pennsylvania
filled bins in Hallwood. Eastern Shore schooners carried white potatoes
to New York in the summer and oysters to Baltimore in the winter. They
returned with hardware founded in Bethlehem, grain grown in Nebraska,
or shotguns manufactured in Ithaca.
Along with these changes came a form of modern confidence, a supreme conviction
that the command of technology and the market gave these people unstoppable
advantages. So it was that the general manager of the Eastern Shore Produce
Exchange boasted that the little town of Onley had just as much advantage
as Baltimore or even New York in the market.
Yet much remained beyond the control of locals and, even, the Pennsylvania
Railroad. Information flow and demographic patterns only rendered these
interconnections more complex and contingent. A wave of immigrants in
Boston, fresh orders for the steel mills of the Mahoning Valley, or
a
spring drought in Florida might mean high prices for Eastern Shore potatoes
while a bumper potato crop in the Kaw Valley, a textile strike in New
York City, or floods on the Mississippi might depress the market. People
working for the railroad or seafood dealers or agricultural commission
houses continuously moved on and off the peninsula. Middle-class vacationers
stopped at barrier island hotels or at bayside boarding houses. Wealthier
visitors relaxed at shooting lodges or purchased second homes along the
creeks. Other people settled permanently, especially in the railroad
towns
and seaside fishing villages.
These residents participated in a great compression of space and time
on their landscape. The federal government, private capital, and huge
corporations aided and abetted this process. The changes in the landscape
were as rapid as they were far-reaching. In little more than a decade
coastal surveys, lighthouses, life-saving stations, railroads, mail routes,
roads, and post offices punctuated the Shore and coursed with the information
and products of distant markets. Remarkably, some farmers on the Eastern
Shore combined in the Eastern Shore Produce Exchange to harness these
dynamic effects, however temporarily. Although divided by racial exclusion,
Eastern Shore farmers managed to vault their counties into the top rank
of agricultural wealth in the nation. Their agricultural technologies
caused unanticipated runoff and changed the nutrient balances in the
ecosystem. Benthic anoxia set in, itself a product of recursive changes
in land use that the railroads made possible and profitable. At the same
time, extractive industries, such as oystering and market hunting, opened
in unprecedented ways with the confluence of technologies, markets, and
natural systems. These boomed and collapsed in over-harvesting and exploitation,
in a chaotic market and against natural obstacles.
This mobility, this interconnection with the modern world, even on such
a remote place as the Eastern Shore of Virginia in the American South,
came in complex layers upon the local landscape. No matter how much nostalgia
Thomas Dixon might cherish for an Eastern Shore cut off from the modern
world of railroads, mail, and its attendant business, the place was abuzz
from its dark marshes to its bright fields and new towns.
Published: 31 July 2007
© 2007 William G. Thomas III, Brooks Miles Barnes, Tom Szuba and
Southern Spaces