James B. Wallace, "Stormy Banks and Sweet Rivers: A Sacred Harp Geography"

Sacred Harp found a special ally in the Primitive Baptists who resisted the modernization of church music (Cobb 1989, 5). To this day, many singings are held in Primitive Baptist churches, though Methodist and Missionary Baptist churches are frequently used. In addition to the larger conventions, which persist in a slightly altered form, regular local singings are scheduled, usually on the same day each year (for example, the third Sunday and prior Saturday in March), and often at the same location.

The arrangement of space within the church expresses the emphasis that singers place on participation. In a typical Protestant church, row after row of pews face a pulpit or lectern, and the choir faces the congregation. For a Sacred Harp singing, however, the seating resists any suggestion that a divide might exist between "performer" and "audience." The people sit in four sections. Altos face tenors, and trebles face basses. This arrangement of singers forms a hollow square in the center. In this square stands a leader. Throughout the day, participants will take turns leading one or two songs (see: "Leading Sacred Harp Music"). Anyone, young or old, male or female, with basic competence in the music is encouraged to take a turn leading. Time permitting, everyone who wants to lead will get a chance.

Leading a song means far more to Sacred Harp singers than the opportunity to select a favorite piece of music. Standing in the hollow square, the leader is at the center of the space where all the sound converges. Singers consistently emphasize that the experience of the music is most powerful from the hollow square.

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The rotation of song leaders throughout the day suggests the democratic impulses at the heart of the tradition. Sacred Harp music caught on most strongly in areas inhabited by yeoman farmers rather than those places in the South dominated by large plantations. The minutes kept by the early singing conventions reveal attention to democratic process (Cobb 1989, 130-32). The music is sung a cappella; the "Sacred Harp" refers to the human voice raised in song. Since everyone has this sacred harp, participation is open to all. The songs themselves have deep roots among the folk. Many of the tunes and some of the lyrics that made it into The Sacred Harp were the compositions of unschooled farmers who sang the music, and today, some devotees continue to compose using original principles and practices. Other songs derive from the improvised group singings that occurred at camp meetings (Cobb 1989, 79-83; Pen 217).

Although the lyrics of many songs come from the pens of Isaac Watts, Charles Wesley, and John Newton, tunes may be the work of a farmer recalling fiddle melodies (Pen 217; Cobb 1989, 73-74; for more detail on this topic, see Horn). Ultimately, tracing the authorship of songs in The Sacred Harp is tricky business, since many of the ascriptions are inaccurate. A composer might avoid his or her own name out of modesty and choose to dedicate the song to another by using the other person’s name.

Sacred Harp singers use a narrow range of dynamics — every song should be loud. And with their unique performance practices comes a distinct taste in performance spaces. Singers prefer the small, wooden, country churches similar to those that would have nourished this music in its infancy. The walls are unadorned, surfaces should be hard, and the floors should not be carpeted. A square building with relatively low ceilings serves the acoustical tastes of these singers better than vaulted ceilings (Pen 226). Concert halls engineered for modern tastes may be used at times or for special performances, but they are not preferred.

Sacred Harp singers do not spend the entire day inside the confines of the church. Around midday they break for dinner on the grounds. Spread over several tables, a sumptuous potluck meal, usually eaten outside, awaits the singers. Mississippi artist Ethel Mohamed vividly captured images of activities both inside and outside the church building through her embroidery and reminiscences.

When a singing is held at a rural church, the cemetery on the church grounds often becomes another focal space, especially for singers with local ties. Singings often coincide with the homecoming of a congregation or family, when the widely dispersed return to renew acquaintances and pay tribute to ancestors by decorating their graves (see: "Sacred Harp Singings"). Just before or after dinner on the grounds, singings often feature a "memorial lesson," during which songs are dedicated to the memories of the singers who have died in the last year. Some annual singings are dedicated to deceased stalwarts of the tradition.

The vast majority of Sacred Harp songs have spiritual themes, and for most participants, singings are a form of worship. However, The Sacred Harp occupies an ambivalent space in the religious world. By the express intention of the original compiler, B. F. White, the songs are meant to be compatible with any denomination, and statements of singing conventions echo this sentiment (Cobb 130). The singing schools exist as a social and religious institution separate from any formal denominational support. Singings frequently occur on Saturdays, or take advantage of a church building's being empty on Sunday if its part-time minister serves another congregation.