In the last decades of the nineteenth century, privately-owned amusement parks dotted the American landscape, and by 1920,
between fifteen-hundred and two-thousand parks with names like Electric, Riverside, and White City stood outside small towns and major cities. Locals
flocked to parks' mechanical rides and novel attractions; historian Lauren Rabinovitz describes the early twentieth-century amusement park as "an
Erector-set world of mechanical thrill rides, shows of human and animal oddities, saloons and swimming pools, beer gardens and ballrooms,
restaurants and roller skating rinks…characterized by its dynamism — its brash colors, constant noise, and continual movement
of people and machinery."
1 Filled with newfangled rides and novel attractions, these parks drew an assortment
of patrons searching for new ways to spend their leisure time.
Although these venues offered numerous open-air attractions, privately-owned parks were enclosed by fences and
other barriers designed to prevent "undesirables" from entering. In fact, these sites were not the harbingers of mass
culture, but carefully regulated spaces that emphasized the social conventions established outside its walls. Park owners, particularly
in the American South, upheld the segregationist practices of the larger society, often allowing admission only to white patrons or
carefully regulating times and reasons for people of color to enter the park.
The structure of these spaces reflected other cultural ideas of the period
as well. While parks advertised an array of rides, shows, and attractions,
their physical location also allowed visitors to indulge in popular mid-nineteenth
century pastimes associated
with "healthful" rejuvenation through communion with nature. Mechanized
parks near cities were frequently built on the site of a picnic grove or spring
already popular with local city dwellers seeking escape from urban life. Enterprising
individuals often
bought the property where these natural spots were located and built
a panoply of
mechanical attractions to
draw more patrons.
Local streetcar companies also developed amusement parks to increase revenues.
Trolley
parks were enclosed amusement parks situated at the end of a trolley
line. Although these parks often offered free admission, trolley companies
still benefited financially from their existence in several ways. The park's location at the
line's end helped ensure that cars traveled at near full capacity
during their entire route, rather than departing and arriving at the end
station with no passengers. Also, because many of these parks were located on
the outskirts of cities, trolley lines could charge an added five or ten cents to their
standard fare. Popular amusements also assured
that more people would ride the trolley outside of their daily commutes,
particularly on weekends. The trolley park taught people
to see and use the trolley for their leisure activities in addition to
daily transit.
Most early amusement parks offered similar attractions like the
Ferris
Wheel,
Giant Swing,
Shoot-the-Chutes,
or
Scenic
Railway. In addition, owners marketed their operations in ways that attempted to exploit the cachet held by famed parks
like
Luna
Park,
Dreamland,
Steeplechase, and
White City. As electric parks like those on
Coney
Island became more popular and financially lucrative, smaller versions
opened outside towns and cities of every size
across
the nation.
Atlanta's Ponce de Leon Park followed this trend. Established
at the end of the nineteenth century, it offered Atlantans
not only a venue for amusement, but also an interactive stage for emergent
technologies. While bubbling springs and fragrant azaleas initially drew
visitors to the park, the Ponce de Leon Springs site evolved over
four decades into a complex array of manufactured amusements that kept visitors coming back. Equipped
with a theater, electric lights, mechanical rides, man-made lakes, picnic
grounds, outdoor gardens, and, eventually, a baseball park, Ponce de Leon
Park became a nexus between nineteenth-century naturalism and twentieth-century
modernism. However, the city's location in the American South meant that the technological
utopianism of the early twentieth century would be articulated within a prevailing ideology of Jim Crow segregation
and racist exclusion.
The development of Ponce de Leon Springs into Ponce
de Leon Park mirrors the transformation of Atlanta from railroad
town to modernized metropolis. While the physical distance between downtown
and the park was just over two miles, the histories of town and park intertwine
as both spaces adoped and adapted to new technologies and social perspectives.
This essay situates the development of Ponce de Leon from roughly 1870
to 1920 within larger trends in recreation and transportation as both the park
and the city of Atlanta strove for regional and national recognition.
Published: 15 January 2008
© 2008 Sarah Toton and
Southern Spaces